multilateralism-60
刘耀文的大沙雕
钟意阿满
求安南离职演讲原文稿
multipleeditions是零售版。WIN10的MultipleEditions版指的是核心版和专业版的混合。主要针对家庭，有家庭普通版，高级版专业版的区别。multipleeditions是零售版，有core和pro版本可以选择，后期还能升级到prowithwmc，安装时需要输入key密匙。multiple_edition是专业版professional和家庭home版集成的版本，安装时可以选择要安装或升级的版本。
multilateralism单词的记忆。
这个单词的意思是多边主义，单词看起来很长，但是可以把它分节记忆，首先是multi这一部分，意思是多，其次是latera，意思是“边”，为latus的复述形式，最后是lism，通常-lism表示的是…的主义。
划分音节，mul/ti/la/te/ra/li/sm，按音节来记忆。
抱起亚轩找小葵
which universities would you to go? where are they
见 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6170089.stm。
Full text: Kofi Annan's final speech 。
Kofi Annan has delivered his final speech as United Nations Secretary General at the Truman Presidential Museum and Library in Independence, Missouri. The following is the text of the speech; subheadings inserted by the BBC. 。
Thank you, Senator [Hagel] for that wonderful introduction. It is a great honour to be introduced by such a distinguished legislator. 。
And thanks to you, Mr Devine, and all your staff, and to the wonderful UNA chapter of Kansas City, for all you have done to make this occasion possible. 。
What a pleasure, and a privilege, to be here in Missouri. It is almost a homecoming for me. Nearly half a century ago I was a student about 400 miles north of here, in Minnesota. 。
I arrived there straight from Africa - and I can tell you, Minnesota soon taught me the value of a thick overcoat, a warm scarf and even ear-muffs! 。
When you leave one home for another, there are always lessons to be learnt. And I had more to learn when I moved on from Minnesota to the United Nations - the indispensable common house of the entire human family, which has been my main home for the last 44 years. 。
Today I want to talk particularly about five lessons I have learnt in the last 10 years, during which I have had the difficult but exhilarating role of Secretary General. 。
I think it is especially fitting that I do that here in the house that honours the legacy of Harry S Truman. If FDR [Franklin D Roosevelt] was the architect of the United Nations, President Truman was the master-builder, and the faithful champion of the Organisation in its first years, when it had to face quite different problems from the ones FDR had expected. 。
Truman's name will for ever be associated with the memory of far-sighted American leadership in a great global endeavour. And you will see that every one of my five lessons brings me to the conclusion that such leadership is no less sorely needed now than it was 60 years ago. 。
Collective responsibility 。
My first lesson is that, in today's world, the security of every one of us is linked to that of everyone else. 。
That was already true in Truman's time. The man who in 1945 gave the order for nuclear weapons to be used - for the first, and let us hope the only, time in history - understood that security for some could never again be achieved at the price of insecurity for others. 。
He was determined, as he had told the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco, to "prevent, if human mind, heart, and hope can prevent it, the repetition of the disaster [meaning the world war] from which the entire world will suffer for years to come". 。
He believed strongly that henceforth security must be collective and indivisible. 。
That was why, for instance, he insisted, when faced with aggression by North Korea against the South in 1950, on bringing the issue to the United Nations and placing US troops under the UN flag, at the head of a multinational force. 。
But how much more true it is in our open world today: a world where deadly weapons can be obtained not only by rogue states but by extremist groups; a world where Sars or avian flu can be carried across oceans, let alone national borders, in a matter of hours; a world where failed states in the heart of Asia or Africa can become havens for terrorists; a world where even the climate is changing in ways that will affect the lives of everyone on the planet. 。
Against such threats as these, no nation can make itself secure by seeking supremacy over all others. We all share responsibility for each other's security, and only by working to make each other secure can we hope to achieve lasting security for ourselves. 。
And I would add that this responsibility is not simply a matter of states being ready to come to each other's aid when attacked - important though that is. 。
It also includes our shared responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity - a responsibility solemnly accepted by all nations at last year's UN summit. 。
That means that respect for national sovereignty can no longer be used as a shield by governments intent on massacring their own people, or as an excuse for the rest of us to do nothing when such heinous crimes are committed. 。
But, as Truman said, "If we should pay merely lip service to inspiring ideals, and later do violence to simple justice, we would draw down upon us the bitter wrath of generations yet unborn." 。
And when I look at the murder, rape and starvation to which the people of Darfur are being subjected, I fear that we have not got far beyond "lip service". 。
The lesson here is that high-sounding doctrines like the "responsibility to protect" will remain pure rhetoric unless and until those with the power to intervene effectively - by exerting political, economic or, in the last resort, military muscle - are prepared to take the lead. 。
And I believe we have a responsibility not only to our contemporaries but also to future generations - a responsibility to preserve resources that belong to them as well as to us, and without which none of us can survive. 。
That means we must do much more, and urgently, to prevent or slow down climate change. Every day that we do nothing, or too little, imposes higher costs on our children and our children's children. 。
Global solidarity 。
My second lesson is that we are not only all responsible for each other's security. We are also, in some measure, responsible for each other's welfare. 。
Global solidarity is both necessary and possible. It is necessary because without a measure of solidarity no society can be truly stable, and no one's prosperity truly secure. 。
That applies to national societies - as all the great industrial democracies learned in the 20th century - but it also applies to the increasingly integrated global market economy we live in today. 。
It is not realistic to think that some people can go on deriving great benefits from globalization while billions of their fellow human beings are left in abject poverty, or even thrown into it. 。
We have to give our fellow citizens, not only within each nation but in the global community, at least a chance to share in our prosperity. 。
That is why, five years ago, the UN Millennium Summit adopted a set of goals - the "Millennium Development Goals" - to be reached by 2015: goals such as halving the proportion of people in the world who do not have clean water to drink; making sure all girls, as well as boys, receive at least primary education; slashing infant and maternal mortality; and stopping the spread of HIV/Aids. 。
Much of that can only be done by governments and people in the poor countries themselves. But richer countries, too, have a vital role. 。
Here too, Harry Truman proved himself a pioneer, proposing in his 1949 inaugural address a program of what came to be known as development assistance. And our success in mobilising donor countries to support the Millennium Development Goals, through debt relief and increased foreign aid, convinces me that global solidarity is not only necessary but possible. 。
Of course, foreign aid by itself is not enough. Today, we realise that market access, fair terms of trade and a non-discriminatory financial system are equally vital to the chances of poor countries. 。
Even in the next few weeks and months, you Americans can make a crucial difference to many millions of poor people, if you are prepared to save the Doha Round of trade negotiations. 。
You can do that by putting your broader national interest above that of some powerful sectional lobbies, while challenging Europe and the large developing countries to do the same. 。
The rule of law 。
My third lesson is that both security and development ultimately depend on respect for human rights and the rule of law. 。
Although increasingly interdependent, our world continues to be divided - not only by economic differences, but also by religion and culture. 。
That is not in itself a problem. Throughout history human life has been enriched by diversity, and different communities have learnt from each other. 。
But if our different communities are to live together in peace we must stress also what unites us: our common humanity, and our shared belief that human dignity and rights should be protected by law. 。
That is vital for development, too. Both foreign investors and a country's own citizens are more likely to engage in productive activity when their basic rights are protected and they can be confident of fair treatment under the law. 。
And policies that genuinely favour economic development are much more likely to be adopted if the people most in need of development can make their voice heard. 。
In short, human rights and the rule of law are vital to global security and prosperity. As Truman said, "We must, once and for all, prove by our acts conclusively that Right Has Might." 。
That is why this country has historically been in the vanguard of the global human rights movement. But that lead can only be maintained if America remains true to its principles, including in the struggle against terrorism. 。
When it appears to abandon its own ideals and objectives, its friends abroad are naturally troubled and confused. 。
And states need to play by the rules towards each other, as well as towards their own citizens. That can sometimes be inconvenient, but ultimately what matters is not convenience. It is doing the right thing. 。
No state can make its own actions legitimate in the eyes of others. When power, especially military force, is used, the world will consider it legitimate only when convinced that it is being used for the right purpose - for broadly shared aims - in accordance with broadly accepted norms. 。
No community anywhere suffers from too much rule of law; many do suffer from too little - and the international community is among them. This we must change. 。
The US has given the world an example of a democracy in which everyone, including the most powerful, is subject to legal restraint. Its current moment of world supremacy gives it a priceless opportunity to entrench the same principles at the global level. 。
As Harry Truman said, "We all have to recognise, no matter how great our strength, that we must deny ourselves the licence to do always as we please." 。
Mutual accountability 。
My fourth lesson - closely related to the last one - is that governments must be accountable for their actions in the international arena, as well as in the domestic one. 。
Today the actions of one state can often have a decisive effect on the lives of people in other states. 。
So does it not owe some account to those other states and their citizens, as well as to its own? I believe it does. 。
As things stand, accountability between states is highly skewed. Poor and weak states are easily held to account, because they need foreign assistance. But large and powerful states, whose actions have the greatest impact on others, can be constrained only by their own people, working through their domestic institutions. 。
That gives the people and institutions of such powerful states a special responsibility to take account of global views and interests, as well as national ones. 。
And today they need to take into account also the views of what, in UN jargon, we call "non-state actors". I mean commercial corporations, charities and pressure groups, labour unions, philanthropic foundations, universities and think tanks - all the myriad forms in which people come together voluntarily to think about, or try to change, the world. 。
None of these should be allowed to substitute itself for the state, or for the democratic process by which citizens choose their governments and decide policy. But they all have the capacity to influence political processes, on the international as well as the national level. 。
States that try to ignore this are hiding their heads in the sand. 。
The fact is that states can no longer - if they ever could - confront global challenges alone. Increasingly, we need to enlist the help of these other actors, both in working out global strategies and in putting those strategies into action once agreed. 。
It has been one of my guiding principles as Secretary General to get them to help achieve UN aims - for instance through the Global Compact with international business, which I initiated in 1999, or in the worldwide fight against polio, which I hope is now in its final chapter, thanks to a wonderful partnership between the UN family, the US Centers for Disease Control and - crucially - Rotary International. 。
Multilateralism 。
So that is four lessons. Let me briefly remind you of them: First, we are all responsible for each other's security. Second, we can and must give everyone the chance to benefit from global prosperity. Third, both security and prosperity depend on human rights and the rule of law. Fourth, states must be accountable to each other, and to a broad range of non-state actors, in their international conduct. 。
My fifth and final lesson derives inescapably from those other four. We can only do all these things by working together through a multilateral system, and by making the best possible use of the unique instrument bequeathed to us by Harry Truman and his contemporaries, namely the United Nations. 。
In fact, it is only through multilateral institutions that states can hold each other to account. And that makes it very important to organize those institutions in a fair and democratic way, giving the poor and the weak some influence over the actions of the rich and the strong. 。
That applies particularly to the international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Developing countries should have a stronger voice in these bodies, whose decisions can have almost a life-or-death impact on their fate. 。
And it also applies to the UN Security Council, whose membership still reflects the reality of 1945, not of today's world. 。
That is why I have continued to press for Security Council reform. But reform involves two separate issues. 。
One is that new members should be added, on a permanent or long-term basis, to give greater representation to parts of the world which have limited voice today. 。
The other, perhaps even more important, is that all Council members, and especially the major powers who are permanent members, must accept the special responsibility that comes with their privilege. 。
The Security Council is not just another stage on which to act out national interests. It is the management committee, if you will, of our fledgling collective security system. 。
As President Truman said, "The responsibility of the great states is to serve and not dominate the peoples of the world." 。
He showed what can be achieved when the US assumes that responsibility. And still today, none of our global institutions can accomplish much when the US remains aloof. But when it is fully engaged, the sky is the limit. 。
These five lessons can be summed up as five principles, which I believe are essential for the future conduct of international relations: collective responsibility, global solidarity, the rule of law, mutual accountability, and multilateralism. 。
Let me leave them with you, in solemn trust, as I hand over to a new Secretary General in three weeks' time. 。
My friends, we have achieved much since 1945, when the United Nations was established. 。
But much remains to be done to put those five principles into practice. 。
Standing here, I am reminded of Winston Churchill's last visit to the White House, just before Truman left office in 1953. Churchill recalled their only previous meeting, at the Potsdam conference in 1945. 。
"I must confess, sir," he said boldly, "I held you in very low regard then. I loathed your taking the place of Franklin Roosevelt." Then he paused for a moment, and continued: "I misjudged you badly. Since that time, you more than any other man, have saved Western civilisation." 。
My friends, our challenge today is not to save Western civilisation - or Eastern, for that matter. All civilisation is at stake, and we can save it only if all peoples join together in the task. 。
You Americans did so much, in the last century, to build an effective multilateral system, with the United Nations at its heart. 。
Do you need it less today, and does it need you less, than 60 years ago? Surely not. 。
More than ever today Americans, like the rest of humanity, need a functioning global system through which the world's peoples can face global challenges together. 。
And in order to function, the system still cries out for far-sighted American leadership, in the Truman tradition. 。
I hope and pray that the American leaders of today, and tomorrow, will provide it. Thank you very much. 。
Story from BBC NEWS:。
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/6170089.stm。
大圣杰锅是
谁能帮我找篇关于中美贸易摩擦的英文资料 急用..
你好，见
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/6170089.stm。
Full text: Kofi Annan's final speech 。
Kofi Annan has delivered his final speech as United Nations Secretary General at the Truman Presidential Museum and Library in Independence, Missouri. The following is the text of the speech; subheadings inserted by the BBC. 。
Thank you, Senator [Hagel] for that wonderful introduction. It is a great honour to be introduced by such a distinguished legislator. 。
And thanks to you, Mr Devine, and all your staff, and to the wonderful UNA chapter of Kansas City, for all you have done to make this occasion possible. 。
What a pleasure, and a privilege, to be here in Missouri. It is almost a homecoming for me. Nearly half a century ago I was a student about 400 miles north of here, in Minnesota. 。
I arrived there straight from Africa - and I can tell you, Minnesota soon taught me the value of a thick overcoat, a warm scarf and even ear-muffs! 。
When you leave one home for another, there are always lessons to be learnt. And I had more to learn when I moved on from Minnesota to the United Nations - the indispensable common house of the entire human family, which has been my main home for the last 44 years. 。
Today I want to talk particularly about five lessons I have learnt in the last 10 years, during which I have had the difficult but exhilarating role of Secretary General. 。
I think it is especially fitting that I do that here in the house that honours the legacy of Harry S Truman. If FDR [Franklin D Roosevelt] was the architect of the United Nations, President Truman was the master-builder, and the faithful champion of the Organisation in its first years, when it had to face quite different problems from the ones FDR had expected. 。
Truman's name will for ever be associated with the memory of far-sighted American leadership in a great global endeavour. And you will see that every one of my five lessons brings me to the conclusion that such leadership is no less sorely needed now than it was 60 years ago. 。
Collective responsibility 。
My first lesson is that, in today's world, the security of every one of us is linked to that of everyone else. 。
That was already true in Truman's time. The man who in 1945 gave the order for nuclear weapons to be used - for the first, and let us hope the only, time in history - understood that security for some could never again be achieved at the price of insecurity for others. 。
He was determined, as he had told the founding conference of the United Nations in San Francisco, to "prevent, if human mind, heart, and hope can prevent it, the repetition of the disaster [meaning the world war] from which the entire world will suffer for years to come". 。
He believed strongly that henceforth security must be collective and indivisible. 。
That was why, for instance, he insisted, when faced with aggression by North Korea against the South in 1950, on bringing the issue to the United Nations and placing US troops under the UN flag, at the head of a multinational force. 。
But how much more true it is in our open world today: a world where deadly weapons can be obtained not only by rogue states but by extremist groups; a world where Sars or avian flu can be carried across oceans, let alone national borders, in a matter of hours; a world where failed states in the heart of Asia or Africa can become havens for terrorists; a world where even the climate is changing in ways that will affect the lives of everyone on the planet. 。
Against such threats as these, no nation can make itself secure by seeking supremacy over all others. We all share responsibility for each other's security, and only by working to make each other secure can we hope to achieve lasting security for ourselves. 。
And I would add that this responsibility is not simply a matter of states being ready to come to each other's aid when attacked - important though that is. 。
It also includes our shared responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity - a responsibility solemnly accepted by all nations at last year's UN summit. 。
That means that respect for national sovereignty can no longer be used as a shield by governments intent on massacring their own people, or as an excuse for the rest of us to do nothing when such heinous crimes are committed. 。
But, as Truman said, "If we should pay merely lip service to inspiring ideals, and later do violence to simple justice, we would draw down upon us the bitter wrath of generations yet unborn." 。
And when I look at the murder, rape and starvation to which the people of Darfur are being subjected, I fear that we have not got far beyond "lip service". 。
The lesson here is that high-sounding doctrines like the "responsibility to protect" will remain pure rhetoric unless and until those with the power to intervene effectively - by exerting political, economic or, in the last resort, military muscle - are prepared to take the lead. 。
And I believe we have a responsibility not only to our contemporaries but also to future generations - a responsibility to preserve resources that belong to them as well as to us, and without which none of us can survive. 。
That means we must do much more, and urgently, to prevent or slow down climate change. Every day that we do nothing, or too little, imposes higher costs on our children and our children's children. 。
Global solidarity 。
My second lesson is that we are not only all responsible for each other's security. We are also, in some measure, responsible for each other's welfare. 。
Global solidarity is both necessary and possible. It is necessary because without a measure of solidarity no society can be truly stable, and no one's prosperity truly secure. 。
That applies to national societies - as all the great industrial democracies learned in the 20th century - but it also applies to the increasingly integrated global market economy we live in today. 。
It is not realistic to think that some people can go on deriving great benefits from globalization while billions of their fellow human beings are left in abject poverty, or even thrown into it. 。
We have to give our fellow citizens, not only within each nation but in the global community, at least a chance to share in our prosperity. 。
That is why, five years ago, the UN Millennium Summit adopted a set of goals - the "Millennium Development Goals" - to be reached by 2015: goals such as halving the proportion of people in the world who do not have clean water to drink; making sure all girls, as well as boys, receive at least primary education; slashing infant and maternal mortality; and stopping the spread of HIV/Aids. 。
Much of that can only be done by governments and people in the poor countries themselves. But richer countries, too, have a vital role. 。
Here too, Harry Truman proved himself a pioneer, proposing in his 1949 inaugural address a program of what came to be known as development assistance. And our success in mobilising donor countries to support the Millennium Development Goals, through debt relief and increased foreign aid, convinces me that global solidarity is not only necessary but possible. 。
Of course, foreign aid by itself is not enough. Today, we realise that market access, fair terms of trade and a non-discriminatory financial system are equally vital to the chances of poor countries. 。
Even in the next few weeks and months, you Americans can make a crucial difference to many millions of poor people, if you are prepared to save the Doha Round of trade negotiations. 。
You can do that by putting your broader national interest above that of some powerful sectional lobbies, while challenging Europe and the large developing countries to do the same. 。
The rule of law 。
My third lesson is that both security and development ultimately depend on respect for human rights and the rule of law. 。
Although increasingly interdependent, our world continues to be divided - not only by economic differences, but also by religion and culture. 。
That is not in itself a problem. Throughout history human life has been enriched by diversity, and different communities have learnt from each other. 。
But if our different communities are to live together in peace we must stress also what unites us: our common humanity, and our shared belief that human dignity and rights should be protected by law. 。
That is vital for development, too. Both foreign investors and a country's own citizens are more likely to engage in productive activity when their basic rights are protected and they can be confident of fair treatment under the law. 。
And policies that genuinely favour economic development are much more likely to be adopted if the people most in need of development can make their voice heard. 。
In short, human rights and the rule of law are vital to global security and prosperity. As Truman said, "We must, once and for all, prove by our acts conclusively that Right Has Might." 。
That is why this country has historically been in the vanguard of the global human rights movement. But that lead can only be maintained if America remains true to its principles, including in the struggle against terrorism. 。
When it appears to abandon its own ideals and objectives, its friends abroad are naturally troubled and confused. 。
And states need to play by the rules towards each other, as well as towards their own citizens. That can sometimes be inconvenient, but ultimately what matters is not convenience. It is doing the right thing. 。
No state can make its own actions legitimate in the eyes of others. When power, especially military force, is used, the world will consider it legitimate only when convinced that it is being used for the right purpose - for broadly shared aims - in accordance with broadly accepted norms. 。
No community anywhere suffers from too much rule of law; many do suffer from too little - and the international community is among them. This we must change. 。
The US has given the world an example of a democracy in which everyone, including the most powerful, is subject to legal restraint. Its current moment of world supremacy gives it a priceless opportunity to entrench the same principles at the global level. 。
As Harry Truman said, "We all have to recognise, no matter how great our strength, that we must deny ourselves the licence to do always as we please." 。
Mutual accountability 。
My fourth lesson - closely related to the last one - is that governments must be accountable for their actions in the international arena, as well as in the domestic one. 。
Today the actions of one state can often have a decisive effect on the lives of people in other states. 。
So does it not owe some account to those other states and their citizens, as well as to its own? I believe it does. 。
As things stand, accountability between states is highly skewed. Poor and weak states are easily held to account, because they need foreign assistance. But large and powerful states, whose actions have the greatest impact on others, can be constrained only by their own people, working through their domestic institutions. 。
That gives the people and institutions of such powerful states a special responsibility to take account of global views and interests, as well as national ones. 。
And today they need to take into account also the views of what, in UN jargon, we call "non-state actors". I mean commercial corporations, charities and pressure groups, labour unions, philanthropic foundations, universities and think tanks - all the myriad forms in which people come together voluntarily to think about, or try to change, the world. 。
None of these should be allowed to substitute itself for the state, or for the democratic process by which citizens choose their governments and decide policy. But they all have the capacity to influence political processes, on the international as well as the national level. 。
States that try to ignore this are hiding their heads in the sand. 。
The fact is that states can no longer - if they ever could - confront global challenges alone. Increasingly, we need to enlist the help of these other actors, both in working out global strategies and in putting those strategies into action once agreed. 。
It has been one of my guiding principles as Secretary General to get them to help achieve UN aims - for instance through the Global Compact with international business, which I initiated in 1999, or in the worldwide fight against polio, which I hope is now in its final chapter, thanks to a wonderful partnership between the UN family, the US Centers for Disease Control and - crucially - Rotary International. 。
Multilateralism 。
So that is four lessons. Let me briefly remind you of them: First, we are all responsible for each other's security. Second, we can and must give everyone the chance to benefit from global prosperity. Third, both security and prosperity depend on human rights and the rule of law. Fourth, states must be accountable to each other, and to a broad range of non-state actors, in their international conduct. 。
My fifth and final lesson derives inescapably from those other four. We can only do all these things by working together through a multilateral system, and by making the best possible use of the unique instrument bequeathed to us by Harry Truman and his contemporaries, namely the United Nations. 。
In fact, it is only through multilateral institutions that states can hold each other to account. And that makes it very important to organize those institutions in a fair and democratic way, giving the poor and the weak some influence over the actions of the rich and the strong. 。
That applies particularly to the international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Developing countries should have a stronger voice in these bodies, whose decisions can have almost a life-or-death impact on their fate. 。
And it also applies to the UN Security Council, whose membership still reflects the reality of 1945, not of today's world. 。
That is why I have continued to press for Security Council reform. But reform involves two separate issues. 。
One is that new members should be added, on a permanent or long-term basis, to give greater representation to parts of the world which have limited voice today. 。
The other, perhaps even more important, is that all Council members, and especially the major powers who are permanent members, must accept the special responsibility that comes with their privilege. 。
The Security Council is not just another stage on which to act out national interests. It is the management committee, if you will, of our fledgling collective security system. 。
As President Truman said, "The responsibility of the great states is to serve and not dominate the peoples of the world." 。
He showed what can be achieved when the US assumes that responsibility. And still today, none of our global institutions can accomplish much when the US remains aloof. But when it is fully engaged, the sky is the limit. 。
These five lessons can be summed up as five principles, which I believe are essential for the future conduct of international relations: collective responsibility, global solidarity, the rule of law, mutual accountability, and multilateralism. 。
Let me leave them with you, in solemn trust, as I hand over to a new Secretary General in three weeks' time. 。
My friends, we have achieved much since 1945, when the United Nations was established. 。
But much remains to be done to put those five principles into practice. 。
Standing here, I am reminded of Winston Churchill's last visit to the White House, just before Truman left office in 1953. Churchill recalled their only previous meeting, at the Potsdam conference in 1945. 。
"I must confess, sir," he said boldly, "I held you in very low regard then. I loathed your taking the place of Franklin Roosevelt." Then he paused for a moment, and continued: "I misjudged you badly. Since that time, you more than any other man, have saved Western civilisation." 。
My friends, our challenge today is not to save Western civilisation - or Eastern, for that matter. All civilisation is at stake, and we can save it only if all peoples join together in the task. 。
You Americans did so much, in the last century, to build an effective multilateral system, with the United Nations at its heart. 。
Do you need it less today, and does it need you less, than 60 years ago? Surely not. 。
More than ever today Americans, like the rest of humanity, need a functioning global system through which the world's peoples can face global challenges together. 。
And in order to function, the system still cries out for far-sighted American leadership, in the Truman tradition. 。
I hope and pray that the American leaders of today, and tomorrow, will provide it. Thank you very much. 。
Story from BBC NEWS:。
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/americas/6170089.stm 15501希望对你有帮助！
小韩在追星
急！我需要关于加拿大的英文介绍。如下：Canada: History, Geography, Government, and Culture
我找了一篇,然后你用goole 或随便什么的翻译一下!。
不知道有用否.
在者.你可以先找中文的然后翻译!ok!。
After experiencing a steel war, auto war and beef war respectively, global trade war has evolved into a tug of war over textiles in 2005. China assumes a key role in the ongoing trade war due to its increasing participation in the exports of textile products. Chinese producers'' sophisticated ability to manufacture and export textiles gives rise to every-growing trade friction as well as every-rising vigilance from their American counterparts. China Daily quoted an article (China''s rise raises questions about free trade) in an American newspaper on June 16, 2005. This article adopts the pragmatic American view and argues that the United States should adjust its policy on free trade in view of China''s rapid rise.。
After World WarⅡ,with the support of major developed countries, including the United States and other economic power across the world , the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade(GATT)/the World Trade Organization(WTO) was set up.(WTO replaced GATT formally on January 1,1995.) The establishment of GATT/ WTO lays a solid foundation for the present-day world trade system which regards free trade as its ultimate objective. America is the primary beneficiary of this world trade system. A study from America shows, the living standards of American people has been raised by 10% or so. The United States has gained from the advantages brought by economic globalization, such as less expensive imported commodities, growing competition and scientific and technological upgrading.。
The Untied States has also benefited from Sino-Us trade. China''s trade surplus with the U.S., which is likely to continue for many years, will not bring about devastating consequences or exert a damaging impact on US economy. Foreign-funded enterprises in China, which mainly contribute to China''s U.S.-trade surplus, have consistently accounted for a big chunk of China''s export volume, with a proportion of above 50%. Particularly, foreign-owned companies have paid the lion''s share 80% of the total export volume of China''s high-tech industries. For example, the export volume of personal computers in China amounted to 60 billions US dollars in 2004, and China retained its trade surplus. However,at least 3/4 of the profits of a computer goes to American businesses which research and develop software, design chip and sale the complete set of computer. The true story behind China''s trade surplus with the U.S. is that American businessmen have pocketed much of the earnings and Chinese manufacturers only have got modest economic returns.。
China''s miraculous rise is attributed to globalization, trade liberalization and the thriving domestic market of the United States. Thanks to unremitting and dauntless efforts made by Chinese people from all sectors of the society, China''s economy is developing at a dizzying pace. Compared with other developing country, China enjoys a huge domestic market and its economy is of a grand scale. China has emerged as a world factory. The United States keeps up its guard against China''s fast-paced development with a sense of insecurity. So that the United States is seeking to hinder china''s rapid development and hold high the banner of trade protectionism.。
Therefore, the question we will study here is whether a retreat to the trade protectionism is a wise choice for the United States? What are the implications of such an American approach on Sino-US trade as well as the world trade?。
In fact, America has never given up or abrogated the policy of trade protectionism and free trade has never been virtually realized. The Industrial revolution broke out in the United States in the early 19th, in an effort to met the challenges brought by Britain industrial products and fueled the development of American homegrown industries. The United State raises its tariff constantly. American average tariff rate has rose progressively to approximately 40% in 1824 from the somewhere between 7.5%-30% in 1816. This proportion has also surged to 45% in 1825, posing another sharp increase. Thanks to the implementation of the policy of trade protectionism, American industry was far ahead of others within the global reach in the 80'' of the 18th.。
Since China joined the WTO, the United States has adopted a tougher policy of trade protectionism towards China in a step-by-step fashion. A series of make-or-break measures have been outlined and adopted successively, for example The imposition of high duties on imported steel, anti-dumpling cases against China-made televisions and the imposition of quota restrictions on China-manufactured textiles. ...... All of above-mentioned issues give full _expression to the fact that the United States has earnestly implemented a policy of trade protectionism.。
The question we are facing is whether the surging American trade protectionism will lead the world economy and trade into a blind alley? Compared with the world of the late twentieth century, today''s world is far from stable and tranquil. For example, the international financial market is a fragile one, the WTO negotiations have almost reached a stalemate, multilateralism is porgressively being replaced by regionalism, competition among the economic powers in the global market is white-hot and the gap between the rich and the poor keeps growing day by day. How much the side effects of the rises of trade protectionism will add to the instability of global economy is still A mystery. However, we must be aware of the fact that trade war is emerging as an active factor.。
Whether the implementation of the policy of trade protectionism will reduce the trade deficit of the United States and address the problems on its home front is still unclear. Trade protectionism is not at all a newly started thing and maybe not a panacea. The United States has been experienced in imposing safeguards on Japan-manufactured automobile. As a result, the pressure from the U.S. has forced Japan to become a heavyweight player in the international arena. Japan ends up with a world-top automaker.。
The author regards free trade, the objective of WTO, as a mirage, and does not thing that free trade is achievable. However, the liberalization of trade may be achievable.。
The competition between free trade and protectionism never stops and will run through the entire history of world trade. As China experiences rapid economic growth it is nature for the United States to adopt a policy of protectionism towards China.。
China should be prepared for the adverse trade environment and the undesirable condition which is unlikely to take a turn for the better in the years ahead. Therefore, we ought to learn how to strive to survive under the every-increasing pressure.。
When settling the trade disputes between China and the United States, America should seek to maintain the stability of world economy and safeguard our win-win situation. The United States should also be made aware that China will not cave in the face of American protectionism or be led by the nose. China, a world factory, will find a way out of the deteriorating trading climate. The United States desperately needs to have a better understanding of the fact that America benefits a lot through Sino-US trade. America will lose a low-priced suppiier base and a vast market, if America impairs and hurts its relations with China.。
Dan Ikenson, an US trade policy analyst says, if the United States begins to impose tariffs and penalties on China, it would have a negative effect on consumers in the US. "It''s just a rash idea that would be ruinous to our economy," he said, doubting seriously that the tariffs would ever be imposed. "It''s not going to help anybody, it will hurt a lot of people though."。
China also has to go through a rethink of the ongoing trade war. China has paid a costly price for its success in gaining accession to WTO in a considerably long period of 15 years and has been compelled to open its door to the outside world accordingly. We have heeded lessons from American policy of pragmatism that we should put equal emphasis on the implementation of market opening policIes and self-protection. We ought to create a strategic development space for the industries with competitive strength and safeguard our own interests in the course of settling every single trade dispute.。
The minister of the Chinese Ministry of Commerce Bo Xilai announced on May 30, 2005, to the public media around the world that China will not make any concessions to the United States and will squarely address the trade friction with the United States in textiles. China''s approach will be viewed as an impressive turning point in the contemporary Chinese history of trade which featured every-expanding opening. This declaration also is the response given by China when China faces the changes caused by American reconsideration over free trade.。
The author hopes that the world trade system does not move into an indefinite period of protectionism . Conversely, the writer makes a wish that the trend of trade liberalization will be irresistible and the global welfare can be raised continually.。
(张晓璐译)
By Eliza Patterson。
"It is getting ugly" is a phrase used with increasing frequency in the United States to describe the surge in China-bashing in the US Congress. The frenzy of activity in the Congress is the result of anxiety about the surging economic power of China and its expanding sphere of influence. Congress sees China as an export-driven giant racking which as a result of such unfair practices as currency manipulation has racked up an enormous and growing trade surplus with the US at the expense of US industry and workers. Even more troubling to Congress is the fact that China has accumulated over $650 billion in foreign exchange reserves. The fear is that China will use these assets to buy up important and strategic US assets. China''s bids for Maytag, IBM and most recently Unocal are considered a threat to US national security.。
Faced with this picture the Congress has taken a number of protectionist actions- none of which have any actual force as of now. It has drafted but not passed legislation that would impose a surcharge on all Chinese imports to counter what is viewed as an undervalued yuan; legislation that would bar the US Export-Import Bank from providing a $ 5 billion credit package to support a bid by Westinghouse to build nuclear plants in China; legislation that would bar the US Treasury from using funds to approve the Unocal sale to Cnooc; and passed a non-binding resolution expressing concern that the Cnooc sale would threaten US national security.。
While these measures clearly conflict with the long-standing liberal trade agenda of the United States, they do not signal a fundamental retreat from the policy of open trade. In fact many have pointed out the similarities between the current reaction to China to the anxieties created in the 1980s by the seemingly unstoppable rise of Japan. Then too alarms went off and some protectionist measures were taken. In the end however, the US remained firmly committed to liberal trade, pushing for greater multilateral liberalization in the Uruguay and Doha Rounds and undertaking the negotiation of multiple free-trade agreements. Then as now the retreat from liberal trade was based on anxiety about one specific trading partner not about the implications of open trade generally. And the protectionism now as then is targeted at just one trading partner and comes largely from just one branch of the US government- Congress. The Administration remains firmly committed to liberal trade and consequently there is little risk that protectionism will engulf US trade policy; or even US policy vis- a- vis China.。
This is not to say the Administration does not have numerous complaints about China. It does, ranging from China''s failure to adequately protect intellectual property to its policy of pegging the yuan to the dollar. But, as US Commerce Secretary Gutierrez said recently, the Bush Administration prefers negotiations to legislation and does not think that new tariffs and other barriers are the right answer to address US concerns.。
The US Congress would be well advised to consider the adverse impact its protectionist measures would have not only on US- China relations but also on US credibility in pushing for market liberalization world wide. It should listen to the many serious analysts who say the claims that Cnooc''s bid for Unocal threatens national security are unfounded. They should listen to the expert economists'' explanation of the potential adverse effects of a rapid move to a free floating yuan. And they should consider the impact on US consumers of increased tariffs on Chinese imports.。
For its part China must recognize that much of the US public and a number of US members of Congress are uneasy about the implications of China''s increasingly important role in the global economy. China should try to understand US anxieties and should seek to work with the US to alleviate those concerns. While the heated rhetoric coming from Congress is indeed "ugly", it should not be seen as an indication of a fundamental shift in US liberal trade policy or even of as an effort to isolate China or keep it off the global stage. Rather, the Congress, under pressure from segments of the public, is seeking changes in specific Chinese policies and practices that they regard as unfair if not WTO-illegal.。
China would be best served by seeking to negotiate a solution with the Bush Administration to US complaints regarding the yuan, intellectual property protection and Chinese barriers to US exports. Successful negotiations in which China agreed to move gradually toward a free floating yuan , to improve its enforcement of intellectual property rights and to remove at least some of the alleged barriers to US exports would almost certainly restrain Congressional protectionist threats.。
If negotiations with the Administration do not yield a mutually satisfactory solution, or if China refuses to enter negotiations at all, it can be expected that the US will retaliate by placing limits on some Chinese exports and perhaps denials of some Chinese investments in the US. Such action would be unfortunate and a step backward from the long-standing US goal of global liberal trade. It would not, however, signal a fundamental shift in US trade policy.。
If the US does take such actions China should take full advantage of its WTO membership and pursue a WTO complaint against the US. My guess is that if China won such a case the US would, after much agonizing, remove any WTO- illegal barriers because the Administration remains firmly committed to global trade liberalization and the rule of law as encompassed in the WTO.。
While segments of the US public and the US Congress are currently enamoured with China-bashing and threats of protectionism abound, US trade policy remains firmly in support of liberal trade, including with China.。
小韩在追星
关于英语的翻译书或是网站的介绍
History
The history of Canada covers the period from the arrival of Paleo-Indians thousands of years ago to the present day. Canada has been inhabited for millennia by distinctive groups of Aboriginal peoples, among whom evolved trade networks, spiritual beliefs, and social hierarchies. Some of these civilizations had long faded by the time of the first European arrivals and have been discovered through archaeological investigations. Various treaties and laws have been enacted between European settlers and the Aboriginal populations.。
Beginning in the late 15th century, French and British expeditions explored, and later settled, along the Atlantic coast. France ceded nearly all of its colonies in North America to Britain in 1763 after the Seven Years' War. In 1867, with the union of three British North American colonies through Confederation, Canada was formed as a federal dominion of four provinces. This began an accretion of provinces and territories and a process of increasing autonomy from the British Empire, which became official with the Statute of Westminster of 1931 and completed in the Canada Act of 1982, which severed the vestiges of legal dependence on the British parliament.。
Over centuries, elements of Aboriginal, French, British and more recent immigrant customs have combined to form a Canadian culture. Canada has also been strongly influenced by that of its linguistic, geographic and economic neighbour, the United States. Since the conclusion of the Second World War, Canadians have supported multilateralism abroad and socioeconomic development domestically. Canada currently consists of ten provinces and three territories and is governed as a parliamentary democracy and a constitutional monarchy with Queen Elizabeth II as its head of state.。
Geography
Canada occupies a major northern portion of North America, sharing the land borders with the contiguous United States to the south and the U.S. state of Alaska to the northwest, stretching from the Atlantic Ocean in the east to the Pacific Ocean in the west; to the north lies the Arctic Ocean. By total area (including its waters), Canada is the second-largest country in the world, after Russia. By land area, Canada ranks fourth.。
The country lies between latitudes 41° and 84°N, and longitudes 52° and 141°W. Since 1925, Canada has claimed the portion of the Arctic between 60° and 141°W longitude, but this claim is not universally recognized. The northernmost settlement in Canada (and in the world) is Canadian Forces Station Alert on the northern tip of Ellesmere Island—latitude 82.5°N—817 kilometres (450 nautical miles, 508 miles) from the North Pole. Much of the Canadian Arctic is covered by ice and permafrost. Canada also has the longest coastline in the world: 202,080 kilometres (125,570 mi).。
Since the last glacial period Canada has consisted of eight distinct forest regions, including extensive boreal forest on the Canadian Shield. Canada has more lakes than any other country, containing much of the world's fresh water. There are also fresh-water glaciers in the Canadian Rockies and the Coast Mountains. Canada is geologically active, having many earthquakes and potentially active volcanoes, notably Mount Meager, Mount Garibaldi, Mount Cayley, and the Mount Edziza volcanic complex. The volcanic eruption of Tseax Cone in 1775 caused a catastrophic disaster, killing 2,000 Nisga'a people and destroying their village in the Nass River valley of northern British Columbia; the eruption produced a 22.5-kilometre (14.0 mi) lava flow, and according to legend of the Nisga'a people, it blocked the flow of the Nass River.。
The population density, 3.3 inhabitants per square kilometre (8.5 /sq mi), is among the lowest in the world. The most densely populated part of the country is the Quebec City – Windsor Corridor, situated in Southern Quebec and Southern Ontario along the Great Lakes and the Saint Lawrence River.。
Average winter and summer high temperatures across Canada vary according to the location. Winters can be harsh in many regions of the country, particularly in the interior and Prairie provinces, which experience a continental climate, where daily average temperatures are near −15 °C (5 °F) but can drop below −40 °C (−40 °F) with severe wind chills.[In noncoastal regions, snow can cover the ground almost six months of the year (more in the north). Coastal British Columbia has a temperate climate, with a mild and rainy winter. On the east and west coasts, average high temperatures are generally in the low 20s °C (70s °F), while between the coasts, the average summer high temperature ranges from 25 to 30 °C (77 to 86 °F), with occasional extreme heat in some interior locations exceeding 40 °C (104 °F).。
Government
Canada has strong democratic traditions upheld through a parliamentary system within the construct of constitutional monarchy; the monarchy of Canada is the foundation of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The sovereign is Queen Elizabeth II, who also serves as head of state of 15 other Commonwealth countries and each of Canada's ten provinces and resides predominantly in the United Kingdom. As such, the Queen's representative, the Governor General of Canada (presently David Lloyd Johnston), carries out most of the federal royal duties in Canada.。
The direct participation of the royal and viceroyal figures in areas of governance is limited;in practice, their use of the executive powers is directed by the Cabinet, a committee of ministers of the Crown responsible to the elected House of Commons and chosen and headed by the Prime Minister of Canada (presently Stephen Harper), the head of government. To ensure the stability of government, the governor general will usually appoint as prime minister the person who is the current leader of the political party that can obtain the confidence of a plurality in the House of Commons.The Prime Minister's Office (PMO) is thus one of the most powerful institutions in government, initiating most legislation for parliamentary approval and selecting for appointment by the Crown, besides the aforementioned, the governor general, lieutenant governors, senators, federal court judges, and heads of Crown corporations and government agencies.The leader of the party with the second-most seats usually becomes the Leader of Her Majesty's Loyal Opposition (presently Nycole Turmel) and is part of an adversarial parliamentary system intended to keep the government in check.[96]。
The Senate chamber within the Centre Block on Parliament Hill。
Each of the 308 Members of Parliament in the House of Commons is elected by simple plurality in an electoral district or riding. General elections must be called by the governor general, on the advice of the prime minister, within four years of the previous election, or may be triggered by the government losing a confidence vote in the House.The 105 members of the Senate, whose seats are apportioned on a regional basis, serve until age 75. Five parties had representatives elected to the federal parliament in the 2011 elections: the Conservative Party of Canada (governing party), the New Democratic Party (the Official Opposition), the Liberal Party of Canada, the Bloc Québécois, and the Green Party of Canada. The list of historical parties with elected representation is substantial.。
Canada's federal structure divides government responsibilities between the federal government and the ten provinces. Provincial legislatures are unicameral and operate in parliamentary fashion similar to the House of Commons.Canada's three territories also have legislatures, but these are not sovereign and have fewer constitutional responsibilities than the provinces and with some structural differences.。
Culture
Canada has a diverse makeup of nationalities and cultures, and has constitutional protection for policies that promote multiculturalism. In Quebec, cultural identity is strong, and many French-speaking commentators speak of a culture of Quebec as distinguished from English Canadian culture; however, as a whole Canada is a cultural mosaic—a collection of several regional, aboriginal, and ethnic subcultures. Government policies such as publicly-funded health care, higher taxation to distribute wealth, outlawing capital punishment, strong efforts to eliminate poverty, an emphasis on multiculturalism, stricter gun control, and legalization of same-sex marriage are social indicators of how Canada's political and cultural evolution differs from that of the United States.。